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<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/elections/candidates/joe-biden-2024/" target="_blank" class="contextual_link">President Biden</a> came into Thursday night’s State of the Union address amid remarkably low expectations about his performance. The right-wing media universe has been focused for months on his age and supposedly diminished mental capacity, a narrative that has appeared in a somewhat more muted fashion in the broader conversation as well. His allies held their breath that he wouldn’t make some serious misstep in his speech, reinforcing that idea.

There was no such misstep. Biden’s speech was, instead, energetic and direct — at times garbled, yes, but hardly more than in past speeches or than his general election opponent, <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/donald-trump/" target="_blank" class="contextual_link">Donald Trump</a>.

What most effectively rebutted criticisms of his acuity, though, were the ad-libs, the parts of his speech that weren’t in the prepared remarks distributed to the press. Some of what he said might have been added to the teleprompter without being included in his prepared comments, certainly. But most were obviously off-the-cuff — and inspired by his enthusiasm for goading his political opponents.

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Biden strayed from his comments or reworded them frequently. But there were more than a dozen moments in which he added comments for reasons other than emphasis. They are below, with the parts Biden added shown in bold.

“Good evening. If I were smart, I’d go home now.”

Biden began his speech with a joke about the warm reception he received as he walked in. His enthusiasm for schmoozing with legislators and officials was sincere; he stayed so long in the chamber after his speech that the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/03/08/biden-sotu-exit-walk-lights-off-house/" target=_blank>lights were dimmed before he left</a>.

“Respect free and fair elections, restore trust in our institutions and make clear political violence has absolutely no place — no place in America. Zero place. Again. It’s not just hyperbole to suggest history is watching. They’re watching. Your children and grandchildren will read about this day and what we do.”

A theme of Biden’s comments was that the nation is at a historic juncture. Biden ad-libbed a line centered on hopefully getting legislators in the room to recognize the responsibility they had to the moment.

“In its decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court majority wrote the following — and with all due respect, justices — ‘women are not without electoral or political power.’ You’re about to realize just how much you were right about that.”

This line was a bit garbled and muffled by applause. Biden was pointing to an element of the Supreme Court decision that noted the political agency of women directly affected by the repeal of Roe. His warning to the justices in attendance was really a warning to Republicans: Women, in 2022 and elections, since have voted heavily for candidates and initiatives that support protecting access to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/abortion/" target="_blank" class="contextual_link">abortion</a>.

“800,000 new manufacturing jobs in America and counting. Where is it written we can’t be the manufacturing capital of the world? We are. We will.”

This was an interesting aside given that one person who warned about the ease of reestablishing domestic manufacturing was <a href="https://thehill.com/policy/finance/405878-trump-bashes-obama-for-2016-magic-wand-comment-about-economy/" target=_blank>Barack Obama</a>.

“Thanks to our bipartisan infrastructure law, 46,000 new projects have been announced all across your communities. And by the way, I noticed, some of you that strongly voted against it are there cheering on that money coming in. I like it. I’m with you. I’m with you. And if any of you don’t want that money in your district, just let me know.”

Biden has used similar lines in the past, goading Republicans who opposed the infrastructure bill but then championed new projects to their constituents. It is unlikely that any Republicans will, in fact, return the federal money used in the projects.

This was the first time he ribbed the Republicans in attendance off-the-cuff. It would not be the last.

“A future where the days of trickle-down economics are over and the wealthy and the biggest corporations no longer get all the tax breaks. And by the way, I understand corporations. I come from a state that has more corporations invested than every one of your states in the United States combined. And I represented it for 36 years. I’m not anti-corporation, but I grew up in a home where … trickle-down economics didn’t put much on my Dad’s kitchen table.”

More than once, Biden went out of his way to reinforce his support for capitalism and the corporations that undergird it. This was likely in large part born of an interest in rejecting criticisms that he is sharply left-wing, particularly on economic issues.

“It’s now time to go further and give Medicare the power to negotiate lower prices for 500 different drugs over the next decade. They’re making a lot of money, guys, and they’ll still be extremely profitable.”

“Now I want to cap prescription drug costs at $2,000 a year for everyone. Folks, I’m going to get in trouble for saying this, but if anyone wants to get in Air Force One with me and fly to Toronto, Berlin, Moscow — excuse me — well, even Moscow probably — and bring your prescription with you and I promise you I’ll get it for you for 40 percent the cost you’re paying now. Same company, same drug, same place.”

Setting aside the awkward inclusion of Moscow, this was an ad-libbed reflection of a common Democratic line: Americans pay more for prescription medications than citizens of other countries.

“I — like I suspect all of you — want to give every child a good start by providing access to preschool for 3 and 4 years old. You know, I think I pointed out last year that children coming from broken homes where there’s no books, who are not read to, not spoken to very often, start school, kindergarten or first grade, having heard a million fewer words spoken. Well, studies show that children who go to preschool are nearly 50 percent more likely to finish high school, and go on to earn a two- and four-year degree, no matter what their background is.”

“I met a year and a half ago with the leaders of the Business Roundtable. They were mad — well, they were discussing why I wanted to spend money on education. I pointed out to them as vice president I met with over, I think it was 182 of those folks — don’t hold me to the exact number — and I asked them what they need most, the CEOs. And you’ve had the same experience on both sides of the aisle; they say a better educated workforce, right? So I looked at them and I say, I come from Delaware. Dupont used to be the eighth-largest corporation in the world, and every new enterprise they bought, they educated the workforce to that enterprise. But none of you do that anymore. Why are you angry with me, for providing you the opportunity with the best-educated workforce in the world? They all looked at me and said, I think you’re right.”

At two points in his speech, Biden went on extended riffs that deviated from his prepared remarks. Here, he again demonstrated his connections to corporate America, telling an unusually <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/07/16/politics/sir-trump-telltale-word-false/index.html" target=_blank>Trump-like</a> story capturing a conversation with business leaders.

“I was told I couldn’t universally just change the way in which we dealt with student loans. I fixed two student loan programs that already existed to reduce the burden of student debt for nearly 4 million Americans.”

Biden’s interjection here was meant to remind listeners that he had tried to take even more sweeping action on student loans but was blocked by the courts.

“We have two ways to go. Republicans will cut Social Security and give more tax breaks to the wealthy. I will — That’s the proposal. Oh, no? You guys don’t want another $2 trillion tax cut? I kind of thought that’s what your plan was. Well, that’s good to hear! You’re not going to cut another $2 trillion to the super wealthy. That’s good to hear!”

In last year’s address, one of Biden’s most effective exchanges involved his criticizing Republicans for wanting to cut Social Security. He returned to the idea this year — and again triggered an outcry from Republicans with which he eagerly engaged.

“The snack companies think you won’t notice if they change the size of the bag and put a hell of a lot fewer — same size bag but with, put fewer chips in it. No, I’m not joking. It’s called shrinkflation. Pass Senator Bobby Casey’s bill and stop this. You probably all saw that commercial on Snickers bars. You get charged the same amount you got about, I don’t know, 10 percent fewer Snickers in it.”

Perhaps you missed <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/03/07/cookie-monster-shrinkflation-biden/" target=_blank>the recent shrinkflation debate</a>. Biden is advocating for legislation proposed by Sen. Robert Casey (D-Pa.) that would address the tendency of manufacturers to hide reductions in the amount of product they sell.

“The result was a bipartisan bill with the toughest set of border security reforms we’ve ever seen. Oh, you don’t think so? Oh, you don’t like that bill, huh? That conservatives got together and said it was a good bill? I’ll be darned. That’s amazing.”

“The Border Patrol union has endorsed this bill. The Federal Chamber of Commerce has — Yeah, yeah. You’re saying no; look at the facts. I know you know how to read.”

This time, Biden pivoted from his advocacy for a bipartisan border bill to goading Republicans who objected to his comments.

“It’s not about him. It’s not about me. I’d be a winner — Lincoln — Lincoln Riley. An innocent young woman who was killed by an illegal. That’s right. But how many of thousands of people being killed by legals? To her parents I say, my heart goes out to you, having lost children myself. I understand.”

“But, look, if we change the dynamic at the border, people … pay these smugglers 8,000 bucks to get across the border because they know if they get by and let into the country, it’s six to eight years before they have a hearing. And it’s worth taking the chance of the $8,000. But if it’s only six months, six weeks, the idea is it’s highly unlikely that people will pay money and come all that way, knowing that they’ll be able to be kicked out quickly. Folks. I would respectfully suggest my friend and my Republican friends owe it to the American people to get this bill done.”

The more remarkable deviation from his remarks also centered on immigration. As he called on Trump to join him in advocating for the legislation, he was interrupted by heckling from Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) who demanded he talk about Laken Riley, a college student allegedly killed by an immigrant in the country without documentation.

Biden held up a button with Riley’s name (though he mispronounced it). He also used the term “illegal” to refer to undocumented immigrants, something that is anathema to many on the left. The point of his ad-lib, though, was that the border bill would reduce the number of immigrants seeking to come to the United States and that adjudicating asylum claims quickly would allow the government to deport immigrants ineligible for asylum more quickly as well.

“We’re also making history by confronting the climate crisis, not denying it. I don’t think any of you think there’s no longer a climate crisis. At least I hope you don’t.”

His Republican opponents have long argued that climate change is an exaggerated or nonexistent problem, an assertion that has become more difficult in the wake of recent weather extremes.

“Israel must allow more aid into Gaza, ensure humanitarian workers aren’t caught in the crossfire. They’re announcing they’re going to have a crossing in northern Gaza.”

During a long section that came late in his speech, Biden tried to articulate how his administration was supporting the Israelis’ right to self-defense but that it also hoped to protect the rights of Palestinians affected by the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/israel-hamas-war/" target="_blank" class="contextual_link">war in Gaza</a>. He also mentioned in passing that Israel would make it easier for aid to get into the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/10/09/gaza-strip-israel-hamas-explained/" target="_blank" class="contextual_link">Gaza Strip</a>.

“Let me close with this. Yay! I know you don’t want to hear any more, Lindsey, but I got to say a few more things. I know it may not look like it, but I’ve been around a while.”

Finally, after more than an hour, Biden neared his conclusion. When he said he was ready to close, Republicans cheered. Biden imitated them: “Yay!”

Then he singled out Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who apparently had been among those cheering. When Biden then went on to the joke about his age, Graham was seen in the audience, laughing.

That comity, of course, was and will be short-lived.

The Aftermath: The Last Days of the Baby Boom and the Future of Power in America

Ohio State University

Philip Bump is a Post columnist based in New York. He writes the newsletter <a href="https://wapo.st/3m3QTiy">How To Read This Chart</a> and is the author of <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/696653/the-aftermath-by-philip-bump/">The Aftermath: The Last Days of the Baby Boom and the Future of Power in America</a>.

Philip Bump

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